agenda umroh 12 hari

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

agenda umroh 12 hari

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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alamat travel haji plus

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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beda umroh 9 hari dan 12 hari

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

beda umroh 9 hari dan 12 hari

saco-indonesia.com, Pesepak Bola dari Brazil Neymar memiliki kecepatan lari yang cukup tinggi.

BARCELONA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Pesepak bola dari Brazil Neymar memiliki kecepatan lari yang cukup tinggi. Dia bisa mencapai kecepatan 34,7 kilometer per jam. Selain jago gocek, kelebihan ini bisa membuat Barcelona semakin tajam dan berbahaya.

Neymar selama ini sering dianggap sebagai "pemain terhormat" di Santos. Sebab, ia memerlukan perlakuan khusus pada fisik. Bahkan, yang menggambarkan dia sebagai "pemain terhormat" itu adalah ahli fisioterapi Santos, Luis Fernando de Barros, setelah melihat statistiknya.

Neymar diperlakukan secara hati-hati oleh Fernando. Demikian juga ahli fisioterapi timnas Brasil, Jose Luiz Runco, yang memperlakukannya dengan hati-hati. Ini untuk memastikan agar dia dalam kondisi fisik yang prima. Sebab, fisiknya memang agak spesifik.

Neymar memiliki tinggi 174 sentimeter. Namun, bobotnya hanya 60 kilogram. Oleh karenanya, jika tak diperlakukan secara hati-hati, dia rentan terkena cedera.

"Neymar fiber murni dan genetik. Dia benar-benar pemain terhormat," kata Fernando kepada surat kabar Spanyol, El Mundo Deportivo.

Sejak 2009, pemain 21 tahun itu sudah bermain di 277 pertandingan, baik untuk Santos maupun timnas Brasil. Dia membutuhkan supervisi medis yang ketat untuk mengurangi risiko cedera karena kondisi fisik bawaannya.

Meski begitu, hal itu tak menghentikannya berkembang sebagai atlet yang eksplosif. Bahkan, ia memiliki kecepatan lari yang termasuk luar biasa, yakni 34,7 kilometer per jam.

Jika dibandingkan, ia hanya kelah sedikit dari pemain bola cepat lainnya. Sejauh ini, pemain tercepat masih dipegang Cristiano Ronaldo dan Thierry Henry dengan catatan 39,2 kilometer per jam. Urutan berikutnya adalah Arjen Robben dengan kecepatan 37,8 kilometer per jam. Adapun pemegang rekor lari sprint, Usain Bolt, memiliki kecepatan 44 kilometer per jam.

Berdasarkan statistik ini, tak heran jika Pelatih Barcelona, Tito Vilanova, merasa bahwa kehadiran Neymar bakal mempertajam serangan timnya. "Dia pemain yang bisa beroperasi di berbagai posisi, tak hanya di sayap. Dia juga bisa bermain di belakang striker. Kami akan memikirkan perannya sebaik mungkin. Dia pemain yang sangat berbakat," puji Vilanova.

Editor : Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas

saco-indonesia.com, Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu Kail dan jalan cukup menghidupimu Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

saco-indonesia.com,

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jalan cukup menghidupimu
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jala cukup menghidupmu.
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkat kayu dan batu jadi tanaman.
Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkah kayu dan batu jadi tanaman

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jalan cukup menghidupimu.
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jala cukup menghidupmu.
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkat kayu dan batu jadi tanaman
Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkah kayu dan batu jadi tanaman.

saco-indonesia.com, Mantan Kepala Kesbanglinmas Kepulauan Aru, Maluku, Gerson Gainau telah hilang akibat tenggelamnya perahu tra

saco-indonesia.com, Mantan Kepala Kesbanglinmas Kepulauan Aru, Maluku, Gerson Gainau telah hilang akibat tenggelamnya perahu tradisional yang telah ditumpangi dalam pelayaran dari Desa Tunggu tujuan Dobo, ibu kota Kabupaten setempat, Minggu (26/1) petang. Pencarian hingga saaat ini masih dilakukan oleh tim SAR.

"Korban hingga kini belum dapat ditemukan, akibat upaya pencarian terhambat gelombang tinggi dan angin kencang," kata sumber Antara di Dobo, Ongky Nanulaitta, Senin (27/1).

Upaya pencarian yang intensif telah dilakukan sejak Minggu petang (26/1) yang terhambat oleh gelombang hingga ketinggian lima meter dan angin dengan kecepatan lebih dari 35 km per jam.

Pencarian yang dikoordinir Lanal Dobo dengan telah melibatkan masyarakat pesisir itu kesulitan karena hanya dengan mengandalkan perahu cepat (speedboat) maupun perahu tradisional.

Ongky juga mengemukakan, korban awalnya telah menumpang speedboat dari Desa Tunggu ke Dobo. Namun, dalam pelayaran armada cepat itu mogok karena adanya gangguan mesin lalu menumpang perahu tradisional. Nahas, perahu tradisional tersebut dihantam oleh gelombang tinggi sehingga terbalik dan Gerson terlepas pegangannya dari armada laut masyarakat pesisir tersebut.

Sedangkan, enam lainnya tetap berpegang di perahu tradisional, sehingga selamat dari dampak musim pancaroba yang telah melanda Tanah Air.

Sebelumnya kapal kargo KM Obelik yang karam di perairan Dobo, sejak 9 Januari 2014 hingga saat ini belum dievakuasi.

Kapal tu awalnya karam di perairan desa Wangel. Namun, karena terpaan gelombang hingga lima meter dan arus deras sehingga saat ini tergeser ke perairan Desa Wokam.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Saco-Indonesia.com - Orang kebanyakan bahkan seluruh dunia menyatakan perang terhadap rokok, tidak demikian dengan ormas Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).

Saco-Indonesia.com - Orang kebanyakan bahkan seluruh dunia menyatakan perang terhadap rokok, tidak demikian dengan ormas Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Tidak seperti saat melarang pembagian kondom, Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama (PBNU) justru tidak mendukung kampanye Kemenkes untuk menekan angka perokok di Indonesia.

Berbagai pembenaran dan alasan dikemukakan oleh PBNU. Menurut, staf dewan halal PBNU, Kiai Arwani Faisal, semua kiai NU pun telah sepakat untuk memperbolehkan pengikutnya menghisap rokok.

Bahkan, pihaknya menegaskan tidak akan mengharamkan rokok hingga kiamat. "Rokok itu mubah, sampai kiamat ulama NU ga akan mengharamkan rokok. Untuk penderita jantung rokok haram. Tapi kalau rokok bikin semangat enggak haram lagi," kata dia sambil tertawa saat membawakan materi di diskusi publik 'Kampanye kondom, anti rokok: Indah tapi manipulatif,' di kantor PBNU, Jakarta, Senin (16/12).

Berikut empat alasan PBNU tak mau haramkan rokok hingga kiamat seperti dirangkum

1. Rokok tidak bahaya

Staf dewan halal PBNU, Kiai Arwani Faisal mengatakan penetapan rokok tidak berbahaya sudah diperhitungkan masak-masak ketika muktamar NU. Bahkan ada dalil agama yang membenarkan kalau rokok ini tidak terlalu berbahaya sehingga hukumnya mubah.

"Harus dilihat kadarnya. Kalau Ma'syadahnya (kerugian) besar hukumnya haram. Rokok kan sekali hisap tidak langsung pingsan," kata dia saat membawakan materi di diskusi publik 'Kampanye kondom, anti rokok: Indah tapi manipulatif,' di kantor PBNU, Jakarta, Senin (16/12).

2. Merokok, kiai sepuh NU masih panjang umur

Sebagai perokok aktif, para pembesar NU mengkritik kampanye antirokok yang digalakkan Kemenkes. Menurut PBNU, rokok tidak punya bahaya yang berlebihan terhadap kesehatan manusia sehingga tidak perlu dilarang berlebihan.

"Kok kejam langsung bilang haram, ulama NU bilang enggak haram. Karena puluhan tahun merokok sehat-sehat saja. Kan tingkat bahayanya dilihat," jelas Staf dewan halal PBNU, KH. Arwani Faisal di diskusi publik 'Kampanye kondom, anti rokok : Indah tapi manipulatif,' di kantor PBNU, Jakarta, Senin (16/12).

3. Rokok tidak haram

PBNU tidak mendukung kampanye Kemenkes untuk menekan angka perokok di Indonesia. Menurut, Staf dewan halal PBNU, Arwani Faisal, rokok tidaklah haram.

"Rokok itu mubah, sampai kiamat ulama NU ga akan mengharamkan rokok. Untuk penderita jantung rokok haram. Tapi kalau rokok bikin semangat enggak haram lagi," kata dia sambil tertawa saat membawakan materi di diskusi publik 'Kampanye kondom, antirokok: Indah tapi manipulatif,' di kantor PBNU, Jakarta, Senin (16/12).

Dia juga mengklaim kalau kiai NU sebenarnya mendukung upaya meminimalisir rokok. Itu dibuktikan dengan penetapan hukum 'mubah' untuk? pengikut PBNU.

"Kiai gak berarti menerima data kesehatan. Rokok mubah karena menerima data kesehatan. Kalau enggak nerima, akan menetapkan hukum rokok wajib. Itu justru karena ngerti itu bahaya," katanya.

4. Rokok kretek sehat

Ketidaksetujuan NU terhadap kebijakan Menkes semakin meruncing. Seolah membalas kampanye antirokok menkes, kini NU menggalakkan rokok alami alias kretek.

"Rokok ini (kretek) bermanfaat untuk kita yang berbahan alami. Yang alamiah selalu lebih baik. Alam itu baik untuk manusia tinggal pengetahuan kita." jelas Profesor Universitas Brawijaya, Sutiman di kantor PBNU Jakarta, (16/12).

Alasannya, dibandingkan dengan rokok lainnya, rokok jenis kretek tidak punya bahan kimia berlebih.

"Ini kan dari bahan alami dan kalau dibakar elemen pecah sendiri. Kalau daun dia enggak berbahaya. Menurut saya komponen (kimia) semakin sedikit semakin sehat," tutur dia.

Editor : Liwon Maulana

Sumber : Merdeka.com

Pusat Riset Penyakit Tropis Universitas Airlangga Surabaya menemukan senyawa aktif pada ekstrak batang pohon cempedak (Artocarpus champeden) dan sambiloto (Andrographis paniculata). Pada uji klinis, ekstrak cempedak dapat menyembuhkan pasien malaria dalam waktu lima hari pengobatan.

SURABAYA, Saco-Indonesia.com- Pusat Riset Penyakit Tropis Universitas Airlangga Surabaya menemukan senyawa aktif pada ekstrak batang pohon cempedak (Artocarpus champeden) dan sambiloto (Andrographis paniculata). Pada uji klinis, ekstrak cempedak dapat menyembuhkan pasien malaria dalam waktu lima hari pengobatan.

Demikian disampaikan Aty Widyawaruyanti selaku Ketua Tim Riset Obat Antimalaria di Institut Penyakit Tropis Universitas Airlangga, Kamis (16/5/2013), di Surabaya. Penjelasan ini disampaikan saat kunjungan wartawan yang diadakan Kementrian Riset dan Teknologi.

Dalam penelitian, jelas Aty yang juga peneliti dari Fakultas Farmasi Unair, diketahui beberapa senyawa aktif flavonoid terutama heteroflavanon C diketahui dpt melumpuhkan parasit malaria. "Uji klinis saat ini telah sampai pada fase kedua, yaitu pemberian pada pasien malaria," ujar Aty.

Pengujian tahap kedua melibatkan 60 pasien. Pada pengobatan diberika dosis 2 tablet sehari. Setelah beberapa hari pasien tidak demam dan menggigil. Pada hari kelima pasien sembuh.

Untuk dapat diproduksi dan dipasarkan, masih diperlukan dua tahap lagi dengan melibatkan lebih banyak pasien, " urainya. Obat ini juga harus ditinjau oleh Badan Pengawasan Obat dan Makanan.

Cempedak sebagai obat malaria yang diteliti sejak tahun 2001 kini telah memperoleh paten untuk proses ekstraksi dan isolasi senyawa aktif. Pendaftaran patennya sebagai obat antimalaria. Bahan herbal yang dinamai Artoner ini dikemas dalam bentuk kapsul untuk ujicoba kepada pasien.

"Produk riset farmasi ini, meski baru 70 persen menjalani tahap uji klinik sudah diminati oleh sebuah industri farmasi untuk diproduksi," tambah Kepala Laboratorium fitokimia herbal ITD, Achmad Fuad Hafid.

Riset lain

Penelitian cempedak untuk obat malaria, lanjut Aty, diilhami penggunaannya secara tradisional di Kalimantan untuk obat malaria dan larutan gosok pencegah gigitan nyamuk. Selain cempedak riset juga dilakukan pada tanaman serumpun yaitu nangka, keluwih, dan sukun. Namun khasiatnya tak sebaik cempedak.

Sementara itu riset yang dilakukan pada tanaman herbal sambiloto juga menemukan senyawa antimalaria yaitu Androglafolida. Namun untuk tanaman herbal yang selama ini dikonsumsi sebagai jamu itu belum sampai ke uji klinik.

 

Editor :Liwon Maulana(galipat
Sumber:Kompas.com

PENGOBATAN PATAH TULANG “PERMATA HOLISTIC” Mengobati : Patah Tulang, Keseleo/terkilir, syaraf kejepit (HNP), tangan/k

PENGOBATAN PATAH TULANG “PERMATA HOLISTIC” Mengobati : Patah Tulang, Keseleo/terkilir, syaraf kejepit (HNP), tangan/kaki lepas dari persendian, nyeri pinggang, dislokasi tulang belakang, kaki panjang sebelah, bengkak lebam, nyeri pantat hingga kekaki dll. Alamat : PERMATA HIJAU PERMAI Bblok BR No.1 Kaliabang Tengah Bekasi Utara Tel: 021-88970088, 0812 82240274

saco-indonsia.com, Brankas Tempat untuk menyimpan barang yang berharga, baik surat-surat berharga, dokumen yang sangat pen

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Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Jaket kulit memiliki sifat dan daya tahan yang kuat, tidak mudah ditembus oleh angin dan memiliki daya serap keringat yang baik.

Jaket kulit memiliki sifat dan daya tahan yang kuat, tidak mudah ditembus oleh angin dan memiliki daya serap keringat yang baik. Apabila dibandingkan dengan jaket yang imitasi.

Bagaimanapun modelnya, jaket kulit tidak akan ketinggalan jaman. Jaket kulit akan cocok dikenakan dalam berbagai cuaca dan suasana, baik dalam cuaca panas ataupun dingin, siang ataupun malam, dan santai ataupun resmi.

Semoga bermanfaat...

The magical quality Mr. Lesnie created in shooting the “Babe” films caught the eye of the director Peter Jackson, who chose him to film the fantasy epic.

“It was really nice to play with other women and not have this underlying tone of being at each other’s throats.”

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

Though Robin and Joan Rolfs owned two rare talking dolls manufactured by Thomas Edison’s phonograph company in 1890, they did not dare play the wax cylinder records tucked inside each one.

The Rolfses, longtime collectors of Edison phonographs, knew that if they turned the cranks on the dolls’ backs, the steel phonograph needle might damage or destroy the grooves of the hollow, ring-shaped cylinder. And so for years, the dolls sat side by side inside a display cabinet, bearers of a message from the dawn of sound recording that nobody could hear.

In 1890, Edison’s dolls were a flop; production lasted only six weeks. Children found them difficult to operate and more scary than cuddly. The recordings inside, which featured snippets of nursery rhymes, wore out quickly.

Yet sound historians say the cylinders were the first entertainment records ever made, and the young girls hired to recite the rhymes were the world’s first recording artists.

Year after year, the Rolfses asked experts if there might be a safe way to play the recordings. Then a government laboratory developed a method to play fragile records without touching them.

Audio

The technique relies on a microscope to create images of the grooves in exquisite detail. A computer approximates — with great accuracy — the sounds that would have been created by a needle moving through those grooves.

In 2014, the technology was made available for the first time outside the laboratory.

“The fear all along is that we don’t want to damage these records. We don’t want to put a stylus on them,” said Jerry Fabris, the curator of the Thomas Edison Historical Park in West Orange, N.J. “Now we have the technology to play them safely.”

Last month, the Historical Park posted online three never-before-heard Edison doll recordings, including the two from the Rolfses’ collection. “There are probably more out there, and we’re hoping people will now get them digitized,” Mr. Fabris said.

The technology, which is known as Irene (Image, Reconstruct, Erase Noise, Etc.), was developed by the particle physicist Carl Haber and the engineer Earl Cornell at Lawrence Berkeley. Irene extracts sound from cylinder and disk records. It can also reconstruct audio from recordings so badly damaged they were deemed unplayable.

“We are now hearing sounds from history that I did not expect to hear in my lifetime,” Mr. Fabris said.

The Rolfses said they were not sure what to expect in August when they carefully packed their two Edison doll cylinders, still attached to their motors, and drove from their home in Hortonville, Wis., to the National Document Conservation Center in Andover, Mass. The center had recently acquired Irene technology.

Audio

Cylinders carry sound in a spiral groove cut by a phonograph recording needle that vibrates up and down, creating a surface made of tiny hills and valleys. In the Irene set-up, a microscope perched above the shaft takes thousands of high-resolution images of small sections of the grooves.

Stitched together, the images provide a topographic map of the cylinder’s surface, charting changes in depth as small as one five-hundredth the thickness of a human hair. Pitch, volume and timbre are all encoded in the hills and valleys and the speed at which the record is played.

At the conservation center, the preservation specialist Mason Vander Lugt attached one of the cylinders to the end of a rotating shaft. Huddled around a computer screen, the Rolfses first saw the wiggly waveform generated by Irene. Then came the digital audio. The words were at first indistinct, but as Mr. Lugt filtered out more of the noise, the rhyme became clearer.

“That was the Eureka moment,” Mr. Rolfs said.

In 1890, a girl in Edison’s laboratory had recited:

There was a little girl,

And she had a little curl

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Right in the middle of her forehead.

When she was good,

She was very, very good.

But when she was bad, she was horrid.

Recently, the conservation center turned up another surprise.

In 2010, the Woody Guthrie Foundation received 18 oversize phonograph disks from an anonymous donor. No one knew if any of the dirt-stained recordings featured Guthrie, but Tiffany Colannino, then the foundation’s archivist, had stored them unplayed until she heard about Irene.

Last fall, the center extracted audio from one of the records, labeled “Jam Session 9” and emailed the digital file to Ms. Colannino.

“I was just sitting in my dining room, and the next thing I know, I’m hearing Woody,” she said. In between solo performances of “Ladies Auxiliary,” “Jesus Christ,” and “Dead or Alive,” Guthrie tells jokes, offers some back story, and makes the audience laugh. “It is quintessential Guthrie,” Ms. Colannino said.

The Rolfses’ dolls are back in the display cabinet in Wisconsin. But with audio stored on several computers, they now have a permanent voice.

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.