Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

Kami berusaha memberikan bimbingan mulai sebelum berangkat, saat pelaksanaan dan setelah ibadah haji dan umroh, ini sebagai bentuk tanggung jawab moral kami kepada jamaah, bahwa ibadah yang dijalani telah sah sesuai petunjuk Allah dan Sunnah Nabi Muhammad SAW. Travel kami juga menggunakan penerbangan yang langsung landing Madinah sehingga jamaah bisa nyaman selama perjalanan umroh bersama kami.

travel travel umroh plus turki Ciputat

saco-indonesia.com, Tips Memilih Model Busana Muslim Anak Buat anak-anak aturan tata cara dalam berbusana tidak seketat se

saco-indonesia.com,

Tips Memilih Model Busana Muslim Anak

Buat anak-anak aturan tata cara dalam berbusana tidak seketat seperti layaknya orang dewasa, yang paling penting buat anak-anak adalah adanya kenyamanan serta keamanan dalam berbusana . Silahkan baca bagaimana cara untuk memilih busana pakaian muslim anak :

1. Anda juga bisa mencarikan baju muslim anak dengan bahan yang telah terbuat dari bahan katun atau bisa juga dari bahan kaos yang lembut. bahan katun akan lebih ringan dan tidak terasa panas, dan tentu saja bisa dapat menyerap keringat dengan sangat baik, sehingga akan sangat cocok jika busana anak ini di pakaikan untuk anak kecil yang pergerakannya sangat tinggi.

2. Untuk pemilihan warna pakaian muslim anak , Anda juga bisa memilih warna baju muslim anak yang disukai mereka. Karena sifat anak umumnya ceria, agar dapat membuat anak bisa tampil fresh, ceria dan trendy, dalam memilih warna baju muslim anak paling tepat adalah yang berwarna terang atau penuh warna-warni.

3. Pilihkan Anak model baju muslim yang agak longgar, hal ini juga dapat memberi keleluasaan dalam bergerak buat si anak.

4. Anak-anak umumnya suka pada pernak pernik, buat pakaian busana muslim anak perempuan pilihkan baju muslim yang ada aksesorisnya seperti manik-manik, bunga ataupun kalung kecil yang menempel pada bahan baju muslim tersebut dan hal ini juga akan mmbuat anak semakin cantik dan kelihatan lucu.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Persyaratan Umroh     Paspor asli yang masih berlaku minimal 8 bulan dihitung dari tanggal keberangkatan. &nb

Persyaratan Umroh

    Paspor asli yang masih berlaku minimal 8 bulan dihitung dari tanggal keberangkatan.
    Nama di paspor minimal 3 kata, contoh: Fahmi Septian Nuryaman.
    Pas foto close up 80% background putih ukuran 4×6 (4 lembar)
    Bagi suami-istri menyertakan Surat Nikah asli.
    Bagi anak-anak menyertakan Kartu Keluarga dan Akte Kelahiran asli.
    Bagi wanita berusia 45 thn ke atas menyertakan KTP asli.
    Bagi wanita dibawah usia 45 thn menyertakan copy Akte/Ijazah terakhir dan membayar biaya surat mahrom.
    Buku kuning / kartu kesehatan.
    Jamaah Resiko Tinggi (RESTI) harus didampingi keluarga.

note: Seluruh dokumen asli persyaratan umroh di atas harus diserahkan paling lambat 1 bulan sebelum tanggal keberangkatan.

Sumber : http://www.fbitour.com

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Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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