Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.
Kami berusaha memberikan bimbingan mulai sebelum berangkat, saat pelaksanaan dan setelah ibadah haji dan umroh, ini sebagai bentuk tanggung jawab moral kami kepada jamaah, bahwa ibadah yang dijalani telah sah sesuai petunjuk Allah dan Sunnah Nabi Muhammad SAW. Travel kami juga menggunakan penerbangan yang langsung landing Madinah sehingga jamaah bisa nyaman selama perjalanan umroh bersama kami.
saco-indonesia.com, Dua pelaku hipnotis dengan modus mengajak kerjasama korbannya, telah diringkus oleh anggota Reskrim Polres J
saco-indonesia.com, Dua pelaku hipnotis dengan modus mengajak kerjasama korbannya, telah diringkus oleh anggota Reskrim Polres Jakarta Utara, Kamis (19/12) dinihari. Kedua pelaku tersebut Budiman yang berusia 35 tahun dan Faisal yang berusia 38 tahun , telah ditangkap usai membawa kabur uang Rp 8 juta dari kartu ATM milik Turyanto, yang berusia 41 tahun .
Kasat Reskrim Polres Jakarta Utara, AKBP Daddy Hartadi juga mengatakan, dua pelaku telah memiliki jaringan kelompok tersebar di Jakarta. Setiap beraksi kepada calon korbannya mereka juga mengaku berasal dari negara Brunai Darusalam, Singapura atau Malaysia. “Mereka juga buat logat bahasa seperti orang Brunai. Begitu korban terlena selanjutnya mereka mengajak kerjasama,” kata Daddy.
Pelaku Budiman berpura-pura untuk menawarkan tumpangan sebagai pemilik mobil untuk dapat mengantarkan ke Roxi. Namun saat berada di jalan korban di imingi kartu ATM yang saldonya masih berisi Rp99 juta. Korban yang tergiur selanjutnya disuruh tersangka untuk mengecek saldo kartu ATM korban dan hanya 8 juta.
Dalam pengaruh hipnotis korban langsung menuruti semua kemauan pelaku, termasuk diajak untuk menukar kartu ATM miliknya dengan ATM pelaku yang ternyata kosang. Dalam kondisi terhipnotis, ia kemudian di turunkan para pelaku di depan kantor Walikota Jakarta Utara.
Ia baru sadar 15 menit kemudian, ketika memeriksa kartu ATM-nya uangnya sudah raib. Sementara kartu ATM milik tersangka kosong. Kasus tersebut kemudian telah dilaporkan ke Polres Jakarta Utara.
Petugas yang bergerak cepat kemudian telah berhasil meringkus kedua tersangka tak jauh dari lokasi, berkat keterangan dan ciri-ciri yang telah disebutkan korban. “Tersangka sudah lama jadi DPO kita, korbannya juga sudah banyak. Kita harapakan bagi siapapun yang pernah ditipu dengan modus tersebut melapor ke Polrea Jakut,” ujar Daddy.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
6 Hobi Asik Melangsingkan Tubuh
Seseorang yang berusaha menurunkan
berat badan kerap menganggap diet sebagai proses yang menyengsarakan dan membosankan.
Saco-Indonesia.com - Seseorang yang berusaha
menurunkan berat badan kerap menganggap diet sebagai proses yang menyengsarakan dan
Padahal anggapan semacam ini tidak sepenuhnya benar.
Keberhasilan menurunkan berat badan adalah tentang bagaimana Anda me-manage sikap mental
Selama Anda menjadikan setiap proses tersebut sebagai kebiasaan yang
menyenangkan, maka keberhasilan mendapatkan berat badan ideal sudah ada di depan mata.
Bahkan, jika Anda memiliki hobi yang berhubungan dengan aktivitas fisik, maka hobi
tersebut bisa Anda maksimalkan sebagai fun factor dalam mencapai berat badan ideal.
Berikut ini hobi atau aktivitas menyenangkan yang bisa Anda maksimalkan untuk mencapai
berat badan ideal.
1. Jalan-jalan di sekitar blok
Saat Anda tidak berencana melakukan aktivitas yang jauh dari rumah, maka jalan-jalan atau
jogging di sekitar komplek perumahan bisa menjadi pilihan yang tepat. Selain membakar kalori
lebih banyak, jalan-jalan di sekitar rumah juga bisa meningkatkan hubungan sosial Anda dengan
minat masyarakat terhadap olahraga bersepeda terus meningkat. Munculnya berbagai komunitas
bersepeda adalah salah satu buktinya. Anda bisa bergabung dalam komunitas tersebut dan mengikuti
setiap aktivitas yang diagendakan oleh komunitas tersebut.
dengan komunitas bersepeda tidak membuat Anda tertarik, bersepeda sendiri juga bisa menjadi
pilihan yang sehat. Selain meningkatkan pembakaran kalori, olahraga bersepeda erat hubungannya
dengan peningkatan kebugaran kardiovaskular atau kesehatan pembuluh darah dan jantung, serta
penurunan risiko penyakit jantung koroner.
3. Parkour &
Tidak hanya komunitas bersepeda, komunitas parkour dan freerun kini
juga mulai mewabah. Pada prinsipnya parkour & freerun memiliki basic yang sama, yakni
berpindah dari satu tempat ke tempat lain secara efektif dengan gerakan-gerakan akrobatik.
Latihan ini membutuhkan penguasaan teknik dan latihan yang cukup agar terhindar
dari cedera. Meski tergolong ekstrem, latihan ini patut dicoba untuk menurunkan berat badan,
meningkatkan kordinasi dan fleksibilitas tubuh.
4. Mendaki sambil
menikmati pemandangan alam
Jika Anda menyukai pemadangan alam, pergilah
mendaki ke tempat yang terletak tepat di bawah bukit dengan air terjun serta pemandangan yang
menakjubkan. Selain efektif untuk mengusir stres, kegiatan ini baik untuk meningkatkan
pembakaran kalori dan lemak tubuh Anda.
Jika berenang di kolam umum membuat Anda jenuh, cobalah pergi ke danau, sungai, atau pantai
yang memiliki air jernih dan aman dari binatang buas. Berenang di tempat-tempat yang tersedia di
alam bebas akan membangkitkan kembali semangat dan mood Anda untuk meraih berat badan ideal.
6. Belanja ke Pasar
Pasar tradisional bagi beberapa
orang dapat dianggap sebagai tempat yang penuh inspirasi. Anda dapat menemukan buah dan sayuran
terbaik serta banyak makanan sehat menakjubkan lainnya. Anda dapat pergi ke sana dan berjalan
kaki mengelilingi pasar saat berbelanja.
Jangan lupa untuk mengimbangi
aktivitas menyenangkan di atas dengan pola makan rendah lemak dan tinggi protein. Good
Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role
BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.
And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.
“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”
As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.
And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.
“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”
And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.
“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”
The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.
Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.
Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”
Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”
The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”
Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.
But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.
“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”
There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.
“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”
A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.
“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”
But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.
“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”