Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.
Kami berusaha memberikan bimbingan mulai sebelum berangkat, saat pelaksanaan dan setelah ibadah haji dan umroh, ini sebagai bentuk tanggung jawab moral kami kepada jamaah, bahwa ibadah yang dijalani telah sah sesuai petunjuk Allah dan Sunnah Nabi Muhammad SAW. Travel kami juga menggunakan penerbangan yang langsung landing Madinah sehingga jamaah bisa nyaman selama perjalanan umroh bersama kami.
saco-indonesia.com, Mantan Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi, Akil Mochtar, telah dihadirkan di sidang kasus penanganan sengketa Pemilih
saco-indonesia.com, Mantan Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi, Akil Mochtar, telah dihadirkan di sidang kasus penanganan sengketa Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Gunung Mas, Kalimantan Tengah, dengan terdakwa anggota DPR Chairun Nisa, Bupati Gunung Mas, Hambit Bintih, dan pengusaha Cornelis Nalau.
Hambit telah memberi kesaksian berbelit ihwal tuduhan menerima uang Rp3 miliar dari Chairun Nisa demi untuk memenangkan Hambit sebagai Bupati Gunung Mas.
Dalam persidangan itu, Jaksa telah mencecar Akil Mochtar dengan banyak pertanyaan mematikan. Namun, Akil juga mematahkan pertanyaan Jaksa dengan banyak berkelit.
Sebagai contoh, ketika Jaksa telah mengkonfirmasi ihwal SMS Chairun Nisa kepada Akil soal tiga ton emas. Akil telah menjawab bahwa tiga ton itu hanya sekadar bergurau.
"Itu hanya bergurau," kata Akil di Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi, Jakarta, Kamis (30/1/2014).
Awalnya Akil berkelit maksud tiga ton emas yang telah diminta kepada Chairun Nisa. Namun, begitu jaksa mendesak terus-terusan soal arti tiga ton emas itu akhirnya Akil mengaku bahwa tiga ton emas itu artinya uang Rp3 miliar.
"Itu konteks Rp3 miliar. Tapi saya tidak tahu itu buat apa," ujar kilahnya.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
TEMPAT WISATA PASAR BRINGHARJO
Sebuah fragmen bagian dari Malioboro dengan kisah yang cukup sudah lama sejak berdirinya Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat. Pasar
Sebuah fragmen bagian dari Malioboro dengan kisah yang cukup sudah lama sejak berdirinya Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat. Pasar ini juga telah menjadi sentra kegiatan ekonomi selama ratusan tahun dan keberadaannya telah mempunyai makna filosofis. Sebagai salah satu pilar Catur Tunggal yang terdiri dari Kraton, Alun-alun Utara, Masjid Agung dan Pasar Beringharjo sendiri.
Pasar Beringharjo yang kita kenal sekarang pada awalnya adalah hutan beringin, tiga tahun setelah Perjanjian Gianti, wilayah pasar ini juga telah menjadi tempat transaksi ekonomi bagi warga Yogyakarta dan sekitarnya. Pembangunan Pasar Beringharjo secara permanen di mulai pada awal tahun 1920 silam yang telah ditandai dengan adanya bangunan yang sudah jadi pada tahun 1925. Asal mula nama Beringharjo telah diberikan oleh Sri Sultan HB IX yang artinya membawa kesejahteraan.
Pada saat ini, Pasar Beringharjo telah menjadi salah satu kegiatan ekonomi yang besar untuk kawasan Malioboro. Bangunan bertingkat yang setiap lantanya diisi oleh berbagai macam komoditas perdagangan, mulai dari konveksi, akseoris, sembako dan rempah-rempah. Pasar Beringharjo juga sudah menjadi salah satu tujuan wisata belanja bagi wisatawan yang berkunjung di kota Yogya. Berbasiskan pasar tradisional serta berkolaborasi dengan gaya modern telah membuat pasar ini membawa banyak cerita bagi para pengunjung untuk kembali dan membawa teman-temannya berkunjung di sini lagi. Puncak kepadatan di Pasar Beringharjo biasanya terjadi di musim liburan dimana banyak wisatawan berbondong-bondong mengunjungi dengan berbagai macam kepentingan di sini dari belanja atau sekedar berjalan-jalan.
Pintu gerbang Pasar Beringharjo dari sini kita bisa menemukan banyak pedagang pecel dengan ciri khas kursi panjang kayu dan payung-payung besar sebagai atap pelindung dari hujan dan panas. Masuk ke pintu gerbang kita akan menemukan sebuah rancang bangun tangga yang telah membawa pengunjung menuju lantai paling atas. Lantai dasar dari ruangan ini juga merupakan lorong panjang yang telah menghubungkan dengan pasar Beringharjo di bagian timur, setiap sisi dari lorong ini dipenuhi dengan para penjual batik baik masih berbentuk kain ataupun pakaian jadi. Selain pakaian batik, los pasar bagian barat juga telah menawarkan baju surjan, blangkon, dan sarung tenun maupun batik. Sandal dan tas yang dijual dengan harga miring dapat dijumpai di sekitar tangga berjalan pasar bagian barat.
Pasar Beringharjo bisa dikatakan memiliki kelenturan dalam menghadapi perubahan jaman dengan ditandainya banyak perubahan dalam aktifitas masyarakat termasuk belanja. Berdiri diantara pusat perbelanjaan modern, pasar ini juga mampu bertahan dan memberikan sentuhan tradisional yang unik ketika bertransaksi antara pembeli dan penjual. Tawar menawar harga menjadi telah semacam bentuk komunikasi yang terjalin mulai dari cara menawar yang ringan hingga sistem tembak langsung.
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”
Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake
KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.
Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.
“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”
Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.