Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

Kami berusaha memberikan bimbingan mulai sebelum berangkat, saat pelaksanaan dan setelah ibadah haji dan umroh, ini sebagai bentuk tanggung jawab moral kami kepada jamaah, bahwa ibadah yang dijalani telah sah sesuai petunjuk Allah dan Sunnah Nabi Muhammad SAW. Travel kami juga menggunakan penerbangan yang langsung landing Madinah sehingga jamaah bisa nyaman selama perjalanan umroh bersama kami.

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saco-indonesia.com, Warga etnis Tionghoa selama ini juga banyak dikenal sebagai pedagang alias pengusaha. Namun, sejarah juga te

saco-indonesia.com, Warga etnis Tionghoa selama ini juga banyak dikenal sebagai pedagang alias pengusaha. Namun, sejarah juga telah mencatat etnis Tionghoa sangat literer atau menggeluti dunia tulis menulis.

Dalam 'Sejarah Pers Awal dan Kebangkitan Kesadaran Ke-Indonesia-an' (2003), telah disebutkan warga Tionghoa juga merupakan pelanggan surat kabar sejak akhir abad ke XIX. Meski tidak sebanyak orang-orang Indo Eropa, sejumlah peranakan Tionghoa pun juga mulai menjadi pemimpin surat kabar berbahasa Melayu Rendah di Batavia.

Seiring dengan perkembangan pendidikan di kalangan mereka, peranakan Tionghoa juga mulai banyak menerbitkan dan telah memimpin berbagai penerbitan dengan bahasa Melayu Rendah pada awal abad XX. Bahasa Melayu Rendah juga bisa diartikan sebagai bahasa pergaulan (Melayu-Pasar) yang telah banyak digunakan peranakan Tionghoa di Jawa karena tidak lagi menguasai bahasa leluhur mereka.

Karena begitu besar sumbangan dan peranan orang-orang peranakan Tionghoa dalam pengembangan bahasa Melayu Rendah, bahasa ini akhirnya telah disebut sebagai Melayu-Tionghoa. Pada awal abad XX, sejumlah penerbitan pers berbahasa Melayu Tionghoa mulai bermunculan, seperti Sin Po, Keng Po, dan Perniagaan atau Siang Po di Batavia.

Di Surabaya juga ada Suara Poeblik, Pewarta Soerabaya dan Sin Tit Po. Ada juga Warna Warta dan Djawa Tengah (Semarang), Sin Bin (Bandung), Li Po (Sukabumi), Tjin Po dan Pelita Andalas (Medan), Sinar Sumatera dan Radio (Padang), dan Han Po (Palembang).

Surat kabar Sin Po telah memiliki catatan khusus dalam sejarah pergerakan Indonesia. Media itulah yang pertama kali telah menyebarluaskan syair 'Indonesia Raya' beserta partiturnya pada 10 November 1928, atau dua pekan setelah dikumandangkan pertama kali secara instrumentalia oleh WR Supratman pada Kongres Pemuda II, 28 Oktober 1928.

Di koran itu, WR Supratman juga menulis dengan jelas 'lagu kebangsaan' di bawah judul 'Indonesia'. Benny Setiono dalam 'Tionghoa Dalam Pusaran Politik' (2008) menulis, Sin Po yang berarti Surat Kabar Baru, telah mencetak 5.000 eksemplar teks lagu Indonesia Raya dan telah dihadiahkan kepada WR Supratman, yang bekerja sebagai reporter di mingguan itu sejak 1925. Oleh WR Supratman, kemudian ribuan koran itu dijual.

Sin Po, yang pertama kali terbit sebagai mingguan pada 1 Oktober 1910, juga merupakan surat kabar yang telah mempelopori penggunaan kata 'Indonesia' menggantikan 'Nederlandsch-Indie', 'Hindia-Nerderlandsch', atau 'Hindia Olanda'. Harian ini juga yang menghapus penggunaan kata 'inlander' dari semua penerbitannya karena dirasa sebagai penghinaan oleh rakyat Indonesia.

Kemudian, sebagai balas budi, pers Indonesia juga mengganti sebutan 'Cina' dengan 'Tionghoa' dalam semua penerbitannya. Dalam percakapan sehari-hari, Soekarno, Hatta, Sjahrir, Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo kemudian juga telah mengganti kata 'Cina' dengan kata 'Tionghoa'.

Koran Sin Po saat itu memang telah memiliki pandangan politik yang pro-nasionalis Tiongkok. Namun karena alasan itu pulalah, yakni berdasar ajaran Dr Sun Yat Sen, Sin Po juga telah mendukung perjuangan rakyat Indonesia untuk dapat memperoleh kemerdekaan. Dalam San Min Chu I, Sun Yat Sen menulis perkembangan kemerdekaan Tiongkok tidak akan sempurna selama bangsa-bangsa di Asia belum merdeka.

Gerakan pro-nasionalis Tiongkok yang didukung Sin Po akhirnya sirna seiring dengan kemerdekaan bangsa Indonesia 17 Agustus 1945, yang juga banyak didukung tokoh-tokoh Tionghoa. Kemerdekaan itu kini sudah menjadi milik bangsa Indonesia, termasuk di dalamnya keturunan Tionghoa.

 

Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Sofa merupakan salah satu hal penunjang dalam memperindah rumah dan kantor anda. Untuk itu sangat penting untuk dapat menjaga ke

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WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

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